As a follow-up to my post on the youth wing of the ONDP being taken over by radical Marxists, an update on the drama.
Here is a message that got sent out to for a revote to elect the ONDP exec:
Subject: Call for Meeting to Elect ONDY Executive
Call for Meeting to Elect ONDY Executive
Provincial office has received a number of complaints from NDP members regarding the validity of the recent Executive elections at ONDY.
Upon investigation, the Administrative Committee of the party has established that:
A significant number of the attendees who voted, were not eligible to do so as they were not members in good standing, as stipulated in the ONDY and ONDP Constitutions
The conference was notified that the voting process for the Executive election must adhere to the ONDY Constitution to be valid
Ineligible ballots were cast, which affected the election results, and ineligible candidates were elected
Therefore, the Administrative Committee of the ONDP does not recognize the Executive election results for ONDY held on November 7, 2010.
The Administrative Committee is calling a special meeting on Sunday November 28, 2010 at 12:30 pm following Provincial Council at 89 Chestnut Street, Toronto with the specific purpose of holding an election for the ONDY Executive. ONDP members holding valid membership for 30 days or more, and who are under the age of 26 are eligible to run for election and to vote. Eligibility of valid membership in the ONDP will be verified and proof of age is required.
Ontario's New Democrats
And take a look at this website: http://wrightpercy.wordpress.com/2010/11/25/questions-the-ondp-dont-want-asked/
Apparently this is a list of questions that went out to delegates to at last weekends' ONDP convention by a group of insiders.
1. Why has the president continually evaded questions that relate to the finances of Cornerstone Corp.?
2. Despite the fact that boards of directors are required to provide shareholders with annual financial reports, the president has outright refused to properlty report to the party membership on Cornerstone Corp. Why?
3. Despite the fact that funds were raised to make provincial office accessible, the building remains inaccessible. How much money was raised for this purpose? Where is this money now?
4. Ethnic Liaison Committee co-chair Yvette Blackburn was the only member of provincial executive asking questions about Cornerstone. What are the detailed reasons Yvette Blackburn was pushed off provincial executive?
5. How many checks written by the party for the Cathy Crowe campaign have bounced and remain unpaid?
6. If so much money was raised during the Cathy Crowe campaign, why did so many checks bounce?
7. Why does Merv Richards no longer work at provincial office?
8. Are party members or provincial executive members liable for any default Cornerstone Corp. loans?
9. Why did the party donate over one million dollars, in estate bequeaths, to the United Way when we are in such financial turmoil?
10. Does the party have enough money to run a full campaign in all ridings in 2011?
As Organized Labour’s official political voice, it is revolting, embarrassing, and an insult to the founding principles of the party that we should preach against exploitation of workers while exploiting our own workers.
11. Until abuses were reported by staff, the Canadian Office & Professional Employees Union (COPE) was not aware of at least 12 employees at provincial office on contract for a period of years, in blatant violation of the collective agreement. How much in back-pay and benefits does the party now owe these employees?
12. Will the party contact provincial office employees who had left before COPE’s investigation, to back pay them what they are rightfully owed in wages and benefits? If not, why?
13. Why were labour practice violations, complaints, COPE’s investigation, and COPE’s resulting order against provincial office all kept from the party membership and executive?
14. Is it fair to party workers to be represented by COPE against the party’s management, when COPE is affiliated with the party? Is COPE more concered with the rights of party workers or the party when the two are in conflict?
15. How does the current Leader reconcile the exploitation of contract workers at provincial office and Queen’s Park, with her speeches across the province in which she speaks against the use of contract workers?
16. How many labour complaints are currently filed by provincial office or Queen’s Park staff against the party or members of the party?
17. Several complaints were lodged against the Horwath Leadership campaign by workers. What were the nature of these complaints and how were they resolved?
18. What is Salome Cinqueira role at provincial office? Why was her title changed from special advisor to the Leader so suddenly? Did her duties also change at this time? If not, why?
19. Was Salome Cinqueira originally paid from public money through Queen’s Park? Was this money returned to the province? Why?
20. What was the hiring process for Salome Cinqueira? Was there a competition or was she appointed? Who made the decision to hire her?
21. As an employee of Queen’s Park, paid through public money, Deb Parent used her position to run the Leader’s Challenge fundraising project. Has the party repaid her salary back to the province?
22. Are riding associations who participated in the Leader’s Challenge potentially liable due to Deb Parent’s use of her Queen’s Park position to raise funds for the party?
23. What are the details of the process by which Darlene Lawson was hired as provincial secretary? Under what authority did the Leader’s office overturn the admin council’s nomination for secretary to be replaced by Darlene Lawson?
24. Was Penny Marno recently re-hired by the ONDP? If so, in what capacity and what was the nature of the hiring competition?
Resources and capacity
25. How did the party decide which municipal candidates it would assist and which it would not?
26. Did the party only assist municpal candidates Toronto?
27. Will the party provide a list of all municpal candidates that received NDP support in the recent municpal electsion?
28. Did the party consider how it might offend members it did not lend support to during the municipal elections in the lead-up to the 2011 provincial election?
29. What happened to the Lesbian Gay Bi-sexual and Transgendered (LGBT) Committee that was doing so much work?
30. How, and for what purpose, did the Ontario New Democratic Youth (ONDY) Committee de-charter the Toronto Young New Democrats (TYND) that was doing so much work?
31. Will the Party assist any candidates, including incumbent MPPS, with resources for the 2011 election?
32. Will the party assist some incumbents and not others? If so, which incumbents will it assist and how will these decisions be made?
33. How many Leader’s Challenges have there been, how many made money and how many have lost money?
34. Is it within the best interest of the party, considering its dismal state of affairs, to attack one of its youth wings (TYND) in the lead-up to a provincial election? Is this the best use of our time and resources before an election?
35. Who made the decision to target TYND?
36. How many members have left the party in the last year compared to how many have joined as first-time members?
Transparency and meaningful participation
37. How many members has the party lost since the 2009 Convention?
38. In 2004 the party had about 35,000 members, but by the 2009 Leadership Convention, we were below 20,000. What is the leadership’s explanation for this massive decrease?
39. How many Preauthorized Checking (PAC) memberships has the party lost since the 2009 Convention?
40. Has the party ever purged its membership list of members-in-good-standing, for internal votes – such as an AGM or candidate selection meeting – to assure a specific outcome?
41. Were unions supportive of Peter Tabuns in the 2009 leadership race prevented from affiliating with the party? If so, who was responsible for preventing affiliation? Was this does according to the constitution?
42. How does the party justify applying the constitution to the recent ONDY elections but not to the vote that postponed the 2011 convention?
43. Does the party believe that applying different rules when it suits the leaders is democratic and transparent?
44. Is it transparent and accountable to allow members with paid positions within the party to also hold offices on executive council or on riding associations?
45. Who is responsible for continually jeopardizing the good name, standing and legality of the party with acts like those described above? Are we as members liable for these acts?
Combine this with the horrible showing of the NDP candidate in Vaughan in the by-election, who won 1.7% of the vote by borrowing talking points on the HST from Andrea Horwath, and putting it at the forefront of his campaign, and it looks like the NDP in Ontario is having some rough times lately.